Ag Intel

Confused? Mixed Signals? You Are Not Alone…

Confused? Mixed Signals? You Are Not Alone… 

Washington is sending contradictory messages on interest rates, trade deals, farm aid, food security, healthcare — tariffs, court cases, spending, biofuels, and even a skinny farm bill



The final weeks of 2025 have produced one of the most bewildering stretches in U.S. economic, agricultural, energy, and trade policy in years. Senior officials often give conflicting statements, timelines slip repeatedly, and major policy pillars remain unresolved. Markets, farmers, refiners, lenders, global trading partners, and low-income households are left guessing.

Below is a consolidated look across 13 major fronts where uncertainty dominates.


1. Will the Fed Cut Rates in December?

Markets are again pricing in an around 80% chance of a December rate cut after dovish comments from key Fed officials. But inflation hawks warn tariff-driven price pressures are building. 

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has publicly pressured the Fed and says Trump may announce a new Fed chair before Christmas — further clouding expectations.


2. U.S./China Trade & Soybeans: “Right on Schedule”… or Behind?

Conflicting signals from senior policymakers have confused traders:

• Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent: China is “right on schedule” with soybean purchase pledges.

• USDA Secretary Brooke Rollins: China is behind, particularly in November–December shipment pace.

The confusion is further fueled by lack of a signed agreement between the U.S. and China (one Bessent and Rollins say is coming in a week or two), and whether China will ever acknowledge the purchase commitments of U.S. soybeans that Bessent has previously detailed: 12 million tons between November and December this year and 25 million tons annually in 2026, 2027 and 2028. (We have known for some time that these are purchase commitments and not delivery commitments.) Another unknown is whether China will insist on included language that they did during the Phase One agreement that specifies U.S. commodities must be price competitive, thereby giving China an escape clause on purchase commitments. 

Another key unknown: Whether the coming signed agreement will have clear and strong enforcement language in case China fails to live up to the terms of the accord. 


The contradictory assessments leave markets unsure of true demand and export pacing.


3. U.S. Farmer Aid Package: Promised, Delayed, and Now Unclear

Producers were told an aid package would arrive around Oct. 1. Then:

• The shutdown delayed the rollout.

• USDA quietly signaled the package may not resemble earlier descriptions regarding its design and total funding level.

• Rollins now says early December.

• Some Trump administration officials claim they “haven’t heard from farmers” that aid is needed — in direct conflict with every farm group and lender. This in part is why the total funding level, which was initially conjectured at $12 billion to $13 billion, may be under $10 billion. If so, there could be election-year impacts that would negatively impact some Republicans in tight races. 

Producers heading into 2026 planting decisions still lack certainty on support, both from the Trump administration and a possible legislative farmer aid package similar to what Congress enacted Dec. 21, 2024.


4. The “Any Day Now” Trade Deal with India — and Canada

The Trump administration has said repeatedly that a U.S./India agreement is “near” or “imminent.” Yet sticking points persist, including dairy, digital trade, and energy.

Canada faces similar timeline drift: positive rhetoric, but no progress on tariffs or deeper market access.

Global partners increasingly treat U.S. timelines with skepticism.


5. USDA Pulls the Food Security Report with No Replacement Plan

USDA withdrew its annual food security assessment without notice, promising a new methodology but offering:

• No explanation of the new method,

• No release date,

• No interim indicators.

With food insecurity and affordability elevated, policymakers and state agencies lack critical data.


6. SNAP Reform: Calls for Change — But USDA Lacks the State Data It Needs

Republicans want major SNAP reforms. But Rollins is hamstrung by inconsistent or missing reporting from states:

• Caseload and recertification data are incomplete,

• Several states are behind on error-rate reporting,

• Some states say they cannot modernize systems without federal funding.

USDA cannot build a reform framework without this information, leaving SNAP in limbo.


7. ACA/ObamaCare Enhanced Credits: Expiring Dec. 31 With No Replacement

Enhanced ACA premium subsidies expire at midnight on Dec. 31, 2025.
• Democrats want immediate renewal.

• Republicans want structural reforms.

• Trump promises a “better, cheaper” alternative — but has released no plan, with some reports suggesting the president may offer a two-year extension of the enhanced credit if he gets certain reforms. 

Insurers and exchanges warn of premium spikes and coverage lapses if Congress misses the deadline. If it does, election experts say this will impact some key House and Senate races in 2026 and put the GOP majorities in question. 


8. Supreme Court Tariff Case: A Ruling That Could Reshape U.S. Trade Policy

The Supreme Court will rule in December or early in 2026 on whether Trump’s broad use of IEEPA for tariffs is constitutional. Options range from:

• Full affirmation of Trump’s authority,

• Significant limitations,

• Or a mixed ruling that forces rapid recalibration of tariff regimes.

If the Supreme Court were to invalidate President Trump’s current tariff authority (for example under IEEPA or an expansive interpretation of Section 301/122), the administration would not lose the ability to impose tariffs altogether. But the remaining tools are slower, narrower, and procedurally more burdensome, making rapid tariff deployment far more difficult.
 

1. Section 301 (Trade Act of 1974) — Investigations Required, Narrower Justifications

Under Section 301, the U.S. must:

• Initiate a formal investigation,

• Issue a Federal Register notice,

• Conduct hearings and public comment,

• Make findings on “unreasonable or discriminatory” foreign practices.
 

This process usually takes 6–12 months. It cannot justify broad, across-the-board tariffs without evidence tied to a specific foreign practice.
 

2. Section 232 (National Security) — Slow, Agency-Heavy, and Litigation-Prone

To use Section 232, the administration must:

• Direct the Commerce Department to conduct a national-security investigation,

• Allow a mandatory 270-day review period,

• Then take action based on Commerce’s findings.
 

Courts give deference to 232, but it is procedurally rigid, heavily scrutinized, and vulnerable if stretched too broadly. It also requires a national-security nexus—not simply reciprocal tariffs or deficit-reduction goals.
 

3. Safeguards Under Section 201 — High Bar, ITC-Controlled, and Often Rejected

Section 201 emergency safeguards involve:

• Filing petitions to the U.S. International Trade Commission,

• ITC injury findings,

• Presidential remedy decisions.
 

These are rare, politically sensitive, and require demonstrating serious injury, a demanding legal threshold.
 

4. Antidumping and Countervailing Duties — Case-by-Case, Not Policy Tools

AD/CVD laws are run by:

• The International Trade Administration (Commerce), and

• The ITC.
 

These require industry petitions and detailed injury findings. They cannot be used as general tariff policy, only as remedies for specific unfair trade cases.
 

5. Section 338 and Older Retaliation Statutes — Limited, Outdated, and Narrow

Section 338 of the Tariff Act of 1930 allows retaliation for discriminatory treatment, but:

• It is rarely used,

• Its scope is narrow,

• And modern courts would likely constrain it relative to newer statutes.

6. Congressional Action — Possible but Slow and Politically Complex

Congress could grant:

• Emergency tariff authority,

• New reciprocal tariff powers,

• Or fast-track tariff flexibility.
 

But legislation would take time and require bipartisan support (it may not qualify via another budget reconciliation measure).

Bottom Line: Even if SCOTUS restricts Trump’s current tariff authority, several other tariff mechanisms remain in place, but they come with investigations, procedural steps, statutory deadlines, injury findings, hearings, and far narrower legal justifications. The net effect is that any replacement tariff strategy would be slower, more bureaucratic, and less flexible than the current approach.

If the Supreme Court were to strike down President Trump’s tariff authority after revenue has already been collected, the administration would likely take the position that:

1. Already-Collected Tariff Revenue Would Not Be Refunded Automatically. Historically, when courts invalidate a trade action after duties have been assessed and liquidated, the U.S. government does not retroactively refund money unless:

• Congress mandates refunds, or

• Importers sue individually within the statutory refund window (usually tied to Customs protest and liquidation rules).

The Trump administration would lean heavily on these procedural bars to avoid mass refunds.

2. The Administration Would Argue That the Ruling Applies Prospectively Only

Expect DOJ to argue that: SCOTUS rulings apply from the decision date forward (prospective relief), not retroactively to past collections, similar to how courts handled late rulings on steel/aluminum tariffs and other contested actions.

This would protect the Treasury from tens of billions in potential claims.

3. The Administration Would Likely Issue a Statement Declaring the Funds “Lawfully Collected at the Time”

The White House and Treasury would emphasize:

• The tariffs were imposed under the statutory authority as understood at the time,

• Agencies and importers followed the law that was then in force,

• Therefore the government retains the revenue.

This is a standard defense in Administrative Procedure Act (APA) cases when rules are later vacated.

4. Importers Would Still Litigate Individually — but at a Disadvantage

Importers could still:

• File refund suits with the Court of International Trade (CIT),

• Argue the tariffs were unlawful ab initio.

But the U.S. would argue:

• Claims are barred if liquidation is final,

• Many importers failed to file timely protests,

• The ruling does not retroactively unwind Customs transactions.

5. Congress Could Intervene — but Unlikely

Congress could order refunds, but:

• That would cost tens of billions,

• And no congressional majority appears inclined to retroactively unwind Trump-era tariffs.

Thus, refunds via legislation remain improbable.
 

Upshot: This is viewed as potentially the most consequential economic ruling of the decade — and no one can predict the outcome.


9. Congress and the Clock: No Clear Path for Remaining Appropriations Bills

Congress must address nine unfunded FY2026 appropriations bills before the CR expires Jan. 30.
 

While USDA is funded, most agencies are not. Lawmakers remain split regarding spending levels and some policy issues. Another CR, a year-long CR, or a partial shutdown are all in play.

Even fully funded agencies could face disruption if partner agencies shut down.


10. Biofuels & RFS Chaos: Uncertainty on Every Front — EPA, RINs, E15, and 45Z SAF Rules

The biofuels sector faces deepening uncertainty across multiple agencies — now intensified by new analysis showing a backloaded compliance shock likely in 2027.
 

RFS Volumes for 2026–2027 Remain Unknown — and the Market Signal Is Distorted

EPA has still not finalized:

  • RFS mandates for 2026–27,
  • Reallocation rules for recently granted SREs,
  • Treatment of imported fuels under the proposed “half RIN” credit.


New analysis (link) indicates the massive D4 RIN bank (3.0B gallons in 2024) is masking the true market signal.


Obligated parties may coast through most of 2026 using banked RINs, only to face a dramatic spike in physical demand in 2027 once the bank is depleted.
 

Under EPA’s proposed rules, total feedstock demand rises:

  • +19% in 2026,
  • +48% in 2027,
    with domestic feedstock demand rising 113% in 2027 — reaching 61% of all U.S. supply.
     

Markets are therefore operating not only without demand signals — but with a distorted signal driven by delayed rulemaking and the temporary cushion of the massive RIN bank.
 

Adding to the confusion, Reuters reports the administration may delay the half-RIN rule by 1–2 years, adding still more uncertainty for investment and sourcing decisions.

Year-Round E15 Still Unresolved

A permanent fix could come from:

  • Executive action but that would likely face court challenges,
  • Legislation,
  • Or state-based pathways.


Meanwhile, biofuel advocates are pushing California to accelerate E15 adoption, but the state’s long timeline creates additional uncertainty — especially as market participants try to prepare for sharp RVO increases in 2027.

Treasury/IRS Has Not Released the Final 45Z Rules

The OBBBA made several changes to 45Z, including lowering the credit for SAF and limiting the credit to only American-controlled firms. Producers still lack clarity on:

• Feedstock eligibility though OBBBA changed to making credit only available for fuel produced with North American feedstocks,

• Carbon-intensity scoring and modeling pathways,

• Crop qualification,

• Retroactivity.


Without these rules, producers cannot move forward with long-term SAF offtake agreements or capital investment — a growing concern in light of projected 2027 feedstock tightness.


11. Farm Bill Uncertainty: Will Congress Pass the “Skinny” Farm Bill — Also Known as Farm Bill 2.0?

A key unresolved question is whether Congress will move forward on the “skinny” farm bill, also called Farm Bill 2.0, designed to cover the provisions left unfinished in late 2024. The CR to reopen the government extended for one year provisions of the bill that expired Sept. 30 and those that will expire Dec. 31.
 

Committee leaders disagree over timing, substance, and floor strategy. Some argue Farm Bill 2.0 is achievable; others warn it could get bogged down if Democrats continue to insist on clawing back some of the reduced SNAP funding, something Republicans will oppose. Others note Democrat reluctance to finish a bill now that the party believes they will win control over one (House) if not both chambers following 2026 elections. With the election-year calendar approaching, passing anything becomes harder. Perhaps a GOP strategy could be offering specific title via a piecemeal approach to see if Democrats fight that attempt. 

Producers and lenders are left uncertain on the rules that will govern some farm programs and thus another 2018 Farm Bill extension is not being ruled out. 


12. Border Reopening Uncertainty: When Will the U.S./Mexico Border Reopen After the Screwworm Outbreak — and What Will It Mean for Cattle Prices?

A major unknown is when the U.S./Mexico border will fully reopen following the New World Screwworm (NWS) situation — and how the reopening will be structured. Officials have not provided a timeline despite conjecture it could start reopening in December or more likely January, and no one knows whether the process will be swift or follow the phased-in approach most analysts expect and that was initially tried this summer but quickly ended after NWS was found closer to the U.S.This uncertainty has real market consequences. Livestock economists are working with completely different assumptions about:

• How many Mexican cattle will cross the border once restrictions ease,
• Whether crossings will rebound gradually or surge all at once,
• How long APHIS containment protocols will remain in place,
• And how feeder and live cattle supplies will recalibrate in early 2026.

Some forecasts predict a slow, tapered reopening supporting U.S. cattle prices for several months; others assume a faster normalization that could add significant supply pressure. With no federal guidance on timing or protocol, producers, packers, and feedlots have no clear basis for pricing or hedging decisions. 


13. Court Challenges Create a “Ping-Pong” of Confusion Across Trump Policy Initiatives

Another major source of uncertainty comes from the growing wave of court challenges targeting President Trump’s policy agenda — from immigration to tariffs to environmental rules to federal agency authority. Multiple decisions have been handed down in rapid succession, often contradicting one another, creating what lawmakers and industry groups describe as a legal “ping-pong game.”

Key problems include:

  • Conflicting rulings from district and appellate courts issued within days of each other.
  • Unclear nationwide applicability, as courts differ on whether injunctions apply nationally or only within certain circuits.
  • Policy whiplash, where a rule is blocked, reinstated, modified, then blocked again.
  • Agencies unable to implement guidance, because legal terrain shifts faster than regulatory updates can be drafted.

Many of these cases — including those involving tariff authority, illegal immigration deportation, environmental waivers, and energy mandates — appear likely to reach the Supreme Court, adding another layer of unpredictability because outcomes could radically reshape the administration’s core economic and regulatory strategies.

For businesses, farmers, states, and federal agencies, the lack of stable legal footing makes planning incredibly difficult. Every ruling seems provisional, every injunction could be overturned within days, and no one knows which version of a policy will ultimately stand. 


Conclusion: A Government Talking in Opposite Directions

Across interest rates, trade, food security, SNAP, ACA credits, appropriations, tariffs, biofuels, and the farm bill, Washington is sending contradictory or incomplete signals. The result is a policy environment shaped as much by confusion as by intentional strategy.

For farmers, consumers, refiners, manufacturers, and global partners, uncertainty now feels like the default setting — and unless clarity arrives soon, 2026 risks becoming another year defined not by coherent policy, but by ambiguity.